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THE 

Revolutions of 1688 
and 1776 



By FREDERICK MAY HOLLAND, 

Author of " Liberty in the Nineteenth Century.'''' 



Boston Investigator Co. 
1902 



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THE REVOLUTIONS OF 1688 AND 1776. 



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I. The collapse of Puritanism enabled the theatres to re- 
open. Actresses gave a new fascination to the sta^e- and 
even Shakespeare seemed likely to be eclipsed by Dryden. 
The century ended as it had begun, in a blaze of secular litera- 
ture. The Roundhead-s had only put a dark period between 
two bright ones; and in the end the Reformation in England 
was conquered by the Renaissance. Science languished even 
worse than poetry in the shadow of theology. Bacon had no 
successor; and Englishmen were slow to notice the mighty 
books in which Descartes taught the dependence of life°and 
motion on mechanical laws, as well as the necessity of observa- 
tion and experience for making knowledge accurate. It was 
his method which Newton followed in the "Principia"- and 
this momentous demonstration of the universal power of grav- 
itation throughout the solar system could not, in all probability 
have been published, or perhaps even written, without the co- 
operation established among friends of science in 1660. Then 
the members of what had hitherto been only a private club 
were able to form the Royal Society, hold public meetings, and 
publish reports of important experiments. One of the books 
which it sanctioned proved that comets return with a regularity 
which shows them to be signs of the omnipotence of law and 
not of the divine wrath. 



2 THE REVOLUTIONS OF 1688 AND 1776. 

Not until the publication of Newton's "Priocipia" in 1687, 
however, was the fact clearly established that the world is not 
governed by arbitrary fiats, but according to fixed laws every- 
where in force. These laws were acknowledged to be working 
for the general happiness of mankind; and thus faith in the 
universal fatherhood of God began to drive away the fancy that 
he wished his servants to slaughter whoever would not worship 
him precisely as they did. Thus Newton did much to increase 
the influence of the books published late in the century by 
Penn, Locke, Spinoza, and many other authors, to prove that 
religion is holy enough to have a right to grow freely. The 
"Principia" was the death-warrant of persecution. Political 
freedom, also, was guaranteed by the advance of science. 
Early nations knew almost as little about kings who rule ac- 
cording to the laws of the land, as about a God who rules 
according to the laws of the universe; but England was now 
beginning to see that the best of all governments, whether on 
earth or in heaven, is that which is most in harmony with im- 
partial laws. 

II. The Royal Society was protected against bigots by a 
kin** who was much more interested in science than in either 
theology or politics. He was too indolent, as well as too fond 
of dissipation, to rule as despotically as he might have done in 
the reaction against the regicides. No more taxes were levied 
without authority from Parliament; local self-government was 
re-established throughout Great Britain ; and arbitrary impris- 
onment was forbidden by the A.ct of Habeas Corpus. The 
Merry Monarch was too irreligious to be intolerant; but he 
suffered many harmless Quakers to die in prison, and the Puri- 
tans were persecuted cruelly by the vindictive Episcopalians. 
There were thousands of martyrs in Scotland, where the people 
had been loyal to this heartless king from the first. It was by 
no means to the detriment of religious liberty, however, that 

P. 

Author. 



THE RBVOLTJTIONS OF 1688 AND 1776. 3 

the Colony of Massachusetts Bay lost her charter in punish- 
ment for obstinately forbidding members of the Church of 
England to vote or to hold public worship. Independents, 
Presbyterians and Episcopalians agreed in nothing more zeal- 
ously than in hating the Catholics. Many were the executions 
under false charges of having formed a "Popish Plot". 

III. It was during a reaction against this bloodshed that 
James II. mounted the throne. Attempts had been made to 
exclude him because he was a Catholic; but he was able to as- 
sume unconstitutional power by the loyalty of the Episco- 
palians, whose clergy preached passive obedience. He repaid 
them by appointing members of his own denomination to lucra- 
tive places at Oxford and Cambridge, which were held as pri- 
vate property by Anglican ecclesiastics. Among the remon- 
strants against this violation of the law was Newton, who had 
but just published the "Principia". The king went on dealing 
with magistracies and offices in the army as well as in the 
Church, as unscrupulously as any American politician. He 
had tried to please the most narrow of Episcopalians by perse- 
cuting unto death the Presbyterians; but now the doctrine of 
passive obedience was losing efficacy, and he turned for help to 
the Puritans. They scorned his offer to set aside every law 
either to their injury or that of the Catholics. He commanded 
that his proclamation of tolerance be read in all churches. 
There was a general refusal, and seven bishops remonstrated. 
They were sent to the Tower, but their trial had no result ex- 
cept to make the tyrant more unpopular. Almost everyone 
hoped that the crown would soon be inherited by a Protestant 
prince, William of Orange; but the king announced that he 
had a son; and there were no witnesses except members of a 
Church which was supposed to keep no faith with heretics. 
Pious fraud seemed probable; and there was a universal wel- 
come to William, who landed in England with a Dutch army 



4 THE REVOLUTIONS OF 1688 AND 1776. 

in November, 1688. James fled to France, and the Stuarts 
were excluded forever from the throne by a convention in 
which Newton sat. Such were the circumstances under which 
persecution and despotism ceased to curse England. 

IV. There was still great danger that the Stuarts would 
be restored by the mighty monarch who then reigned in Trance, 
and it was therefore absolutely necessary that all Britons 
should come into political fellowship, that they should enter 
into close alliance with the Catholic nations hostile to Louis 
XIV , and that the vacant throne should be occupied by the 
deliverer who had pledged himself to the maintenance of relig- 
ious liberty as ruler of Holland. Accordingly the Toleration 
Act of 1689 enabled all loyal and triuitarian Protestants, in- 
cluding Quakers, to hold public worship; but the law restrict- 
ing all officers, either in the army and navy or in the civil serv- 
ice, to Episcopalians remained in force until the nineteenth 
century. Catholics were no longer in danger of execution; 
but their priests and schoolmasters were made liable to impris- 
onment for life, and other adherents of that faith were much 
harassed by legislation, as well as by popular prejudice, in 
England, while they were atrociously treated in Ireland. De- 
nial of the Trinity, of the truth of Christianity, or of the au- 
thority of Scripture was punishable with three years of impris- 
onment, according to a law often enforced duriog the eight- 
eenth century, and still kept up, though not against Unitarians. 
The last execution under British rule for differences about re- 
ligion took place in 1697, when a young student named Aiken- 
head was hanged for Atheistical talk in Scotland, where Pres- 
byterianism had been re-established as the State Church. 

There was no important increase by legislation in Great 
Britain, before the nineteenth century, of an amount of relig- 
ioub liberty which was sadly limited in comparison with what 
had been enjoyed for more than a hundred y«ars in Holland. 



THE REVOLUTIONS OF 1688 AND 1776. 6 

This fact shows that the grant of toleration, in 1689, was due 
to the force of circumstances rather than of arguments; Eng- 
land accepted toleration from Holland in order to get rid of 
the Stuarts. Their hostility to the Church had compelled her 
to make peace with the Puritans; and the common feeling 
which strengthened the alliance was hatred — not of persecu- 
tion, but of Catholicism. English Catholics did, however, 
gain something more, like justice than they had had for more 
than a hundred years. Another important extension was in 
freedom of the press. That citadel of liberty was by no means 
so much respected as in Holland. Dutch printers were under 
comparatively few restrictions, and were thus enabled to pub- 
lish half the books written in Eurore. Many British authors 
were imprisoned in the eighteenth century, and some late in 
the nineteenth; but none of them had run the slightest risk 
of bein^ beheaded, as that foremost champion of political and 
religious equality — Algernon Sydney-— was, in 1683, merely 
for writing an abstruse book which had not been published. 
~V. There was a general extension of constitutional gov- 
ernment throughout the British Empire in place of the domin- 
ion of arbitrary power, and the increase of religious liberty was 
especially great in the two colonies, which had been consoli- 
dated into that of Massachusetts. Catholics had full religious 
liberty in Canada after its conquest, in 1760; but they were 
excluded from office in all other British colonies except Ne»- 
Jersey, Pennsylvania, and, for a time, North Carolina. Thes* 
three colonies were also peculiar in not having any State 
Church, or any governor appointed by the crown. The com- 
monwealth founded by Penn allowed all men to vote; but 
there were property qualifications elsewhere. The Sabbath 
law was still extremely strict in Massachusetts and also in 
Connecticut, which colony now included that originally called 
New Haven. Quakers were no longer persecuted, but nine- 



6 THE REVOLUTIONS OF 1688 AND 1776. 

teen alleged witches were hung at Salem in 1692. Orthodox 
Protestants had liberty of worship everywhere, but there was 
a social bar upon unbelievers; and they were forbidden to 
hold office in Pennsylvania, Maryland, Virginia, and the Car- 
olinas. Substantially, this state of things was kept up until 
the time of the Revolutionary War. 

The promulgation of optimism and latitudinarianism, the 
almost unbroken ascendency of the "Whig party until 1770, 
and the constant progress of science united in giving England 
freedom. Nowhere else, except in Holland, was the eighteenth 
century so early and peculiarly the philanthropic one. The 
rebellion against Charles I. deserved to fail because of the in- 
tolerance of the Presbyterians, the asceticism of the Puritans 
and the despotism of Cromwell. The "Whigs sought to estab- 
lish not only their own claims but the rights of their neigh- 
bors; and by this they achieved permanent and glorious suc- 
cess. 

VI. The Revolution of 1776 was a result of the loss of 
power by the Whigs after the accession of one of the most 
conscientious and narrow-minded of sovereigns. It had been 
hard for the Americans to bear the heavy burdens imposed on 
their commerce and manufactures for the protection of British 
rivals against competition, but the injustice of such laws was 
not yet understood. The levj of a direct tax on newspapers 
and legal documents was a plain grievance; and the indigna- 
tion of the colonists increased under the cruel laws passed by 
Tory parliaments. 

Briefly stated, the Revolutionary War began on April 19, 
1775, with the battle of Concord, which was closely followed 
by that on Bunker Hill. New England was freed from Brit- 
ish control by the evacuation of Boston, early in 1776; and 
the first stage of the conflict ended with the Declaration of 
Independence. Among its most influential advocates was 



THE REVOLUTIONS OF 1688 AND 1776. 7 

Thomas Paine; and his pamphlets greatly encouraged the pa- 
triotic army during the gloomy period when both New York 
and Philadelphia were occupied by tbe British. They found 
strong support in Pennsylvania and New Jersey, while Wash- 
ington was defeated so badly that the war might probably have 
been brought to a close if the royalist general, Sir William 
Howe, had not been, as he was called by his secret friend, 
Lee, u the most indolent of mortals". The surrender of Bur- 
goyne at Saratoga, in October, 1777, opened a third period, 
during which the A.mericaus were enabled, by an alliance 
with France to drive the British troops out of all the region 
between Maryland and Canada with the exception of New 
York City. The fourth act of this great drama opened in 
Georgia and closed after much fighting in the Carolinas with 
the surrender at Yorktown, Ya., in 1781, of the British army 
to a combined force of Americans and French. The latter 
lost twice as heavily as their allies in this campaign. 

VII. Independence might have been won earlier if 
America had had a sound currency and a strong central gov- 
ernment. The towns and colonies had been so firmly organ- 
ized from the first that there was not much lawlessness, and 
the rights of the new States were guaranteed fully by the na- 
tional Constitution, still in force. No country of much size 
had had so good a right to call itself a republic The Declara- 
tion of 1776 that "all men are created equal" was carried out 
without any limitation on account of religion or occupation; 
but it was only very gradually that equality before the law 
could be established without regard to time — honored privi- 
leges of race aud sex. Scarcely any claim had been made 
that women were entitled to the benefit of the principle that 
a just government must have "the consent of the governed". 
Female freeholders were allowed to vote for President in New 
Jersey, but the right was soon taken away; and little was at- 



8 THE REVOLUTIONS OF 1688 AND 1776. 

tempted before 1848 for the relief of the suppressed sex. 
Negro slavery existed in all the thirteen colonies until 1780. 
In that year, Massachusetts and Pennsylvania followed the 
example of Vermont, which had passed an act of emancipa- 
tion in 1777, though not yet admitted to the Confederacy. 
Measures for extinction of slavery were taken by the remain- 
ing States in New England in 1784, by New York iu 1799 and 
by New Jersey in 1804. One of the last acts of the Confeder- 
ate Congress was to provide that there should never be any 
■laves in the territory north of the Ohio; Maryland, Virginia 
and Delaware seemed almost ready to become free Statep, and 
there was strong desire everywhere except in Georgia and the 
Carolinas for suppressing importations of negroes from Africa. 

The framers of the Constitution agreed to provide for the 
recovery of fugitives from labor, but there was mucb differ- 
ence of opinion as to whether any State should have represen- 
tatives for its slaves; and the compromise by which three-fifths 
were enumerated was accepted with general dissatisfaction. 
An even worse bargain was made between Connecticut with 
Massachusetts, on one hand, and Georgia with the Carolinas, 
on the other. The latter States opp< sed prohibition of the 
slave trade so violently that formation of the Union seemed 
impossible; and they also resisted the attempt of New Eng- 
land to have her manufacturers aided by duties high enough 
to check importation from Europe. A tariff was a necessity, 
but the Southerners insisted that it be arranged purely for 
raising revenue, and that no unnecessary restrictions on com- 
merce be imposed except by a vote of two-thirds of each branch 
of Congress. The rights of whites as well as blacks were vio- 
olated by a compromise which made the slave trade legal until 
1808, and put no limit to the imposition of protective duties 
by a mere majority. 

The principle that the Government ought not to interfere 



THE REVOLUTIONS OF 1688 AND 1776. 9 

with the honest business of the citizens, or depress any indus- 
try in order to subsidize others, was not ignored entirely. 
The new Constitution forbade Congress to tax exports, or re- 
strict commerce between the States; and these latter were no 
longer permitted to make even tariffs for revenue. Thus free 
trade was established over so large an area, and with such 
beneficial results, that it was extolled as the American system 
by Daniel "Webster in 1824. 

VIII. The failure of the rebels to revolutionize Canada 
was partly due to their unwillingness to tolerate Catholicism 
which had even been re-established by Great Britain as a 
State Church on the St. Lawrence. 

Many Americans, however, were advanced enough to see 
that heretics and unbelievers are entitled to something more 
than tolerance. That word had sanctioned the habit of gov- 
ernments to persecute. Eeligion rose to a much higher place 
on June 12, 1771, when the convention which framed the Con- 
stitution of Virginia adopted unanimously the section stating 
that "religion' can be directed only by reason and conviction, 
not by force or violence, and therefore all men are equally en- 
titled to the free exercise of religion, according to the dictates 
of conscience". These words were proposed by Madison, and 
to say that all men have equal rights, as regards religion, is to 
admit that government has no right to legislate on the subject 
except for the prevention of interference. The adoption of 
Madison's principle of religious equality was followed that 
same fall by a release of the Dissenters from church rates, 
episcopacy was soon disestablished, and, in 1785, Virginia 
passed an "Act for establishing religious freedom", which was 
written by Jefferson, and provided that "all men shall be free 
to profess and Vy argument to maintain their opinions in mat- 
ters of religion, and that the same shall in no wise diminish, 
enlarge or affect their civil capacities". Thus Virginia was 



10 THE REVOLUTIONS OF 1688 AND 1776. 

first to declare that government, in order to be really free, 
must be impartial. 

Similar views prevailed in Rhode Island, but that State 
made no new Constitution before 1842. Then the words of 
Jefferson were adopted almost literally. This was the only 
one of the new commonwealths which took advantage of its 
independence to release all citizens who kept the Sabbath on 
the original day from the operation of Sunday laws. Jews 
could vote in Virginia, New Jersey, New York and Rhode 
Island. All four States were equally just to Roman Catholics, 
and so were Massachusetts, Pennsylvania, Delaware and Mary- 
land. That the three most advanced States were Virginia, 
New York and Rhode Island is further shown by their UDiting 
with Pennsylvania and New Jersey to keep the citizens free 
from any taxation for support of public worship. There were 
very intolerant enactments in Georgia and the Carolinas, but 
the ciergy were most powerful in New England, where their 
salaries were paid by a general tax. Sabbatarian laws were 
strictly enforced outside of Rhode Island, heavy social penal- 
ties were imposed upon unbelief, and blasphemy was still a 
capital crime in Connecticut. 

The Congregationalism which was established in New 
England as a State Church had found a dangerous rival, even 
before the Revolutionary War, in Methodism. Murray founded, 
in 1770, the denomination which has done more than all others 
to sweep away the intolerant fancy of a hell whose gates bear 
the inscription, '-All hope abandon ye who enter here." If 
there were no hope in hell, there could be no love in heaven, 
said the Universalists. Quakerism was now found to deserve 
no persecution but only honor, and a choice between oath and 
affirmation was given in almost every State. 

These good examples were followed by the framers of the 
National Constitution, and all the more willingly because they 



THE REVOLUTIONS OF 1688 AND 1776. 11 

wished to avoid having the Congregationalism of New England 
fight for supremacy against the Episcopalianism of Virginia 
and the Carolinas. It was promptly provided that "no relig- 
ious test shall ever be required as a qualification to any office." 
Some opposition to ratification was made on this account in the 
New England conventions, but clerical delegates helped win a 
victory for liberty. A Jewish rabbi marched, by invitation, in 
the procession which celebrated the inauguration of the Con- 
stitution in 1789, and the Amendment forbidding any "laws 
respecting an establishment of religion" was quickly passed. 
The first president signed a treaty with Tripoli, containing a 
statement, which thus became "the supreme law of the land", 
namely, that "The Government of the United States is not in 
any sense founded on the Christian religion." It was left for 
agitators a hundred years later to attack the impartiality of the 
Constitution as Atheistic. 

IX. There was much difference of opinion as to political 
equality. Local government had been carried on mostly by 
men of property before the Eevolution, but that struggle gave 
unprecedented power to the poorer class. The polls were 
thrown open to all tax-payers by the new constitutions of New 
Hampshire, Vermont, Pennsylvania and Delaware. No prop- 
erty qualification was required of mechanics in Georgia; and 
tax-payers who had resided for twelve months in anv town in 
North Carolina were permitted to vote for members of their 
House of Commons. These six States were in advance of all 
other communities, except some of the Swiss cantons, for they 
made it possible for men without property to elect members of 
Congress. Seven of the fourteen constitutions adopted during 
the war gave the voter that shield against intimidation, the 
ballot, and none of them recognized any privileged locality or 
inherited claim to office. No legislation could decide the ques- 
tion, whether candidates should be elected to office solely for 



12 THE REVOLUTIONS OF 1688 AND 1776. 

their character, ability and political opinions, or whether the 
choice should be influenced by deference to wealth, social sta- 
tion and family connections. The problem had to be solved by 
public opinion, and this was soon expressed decisively. 

Our national Government has been kept from falling into 
either anarchy or despotism by the pressure, ever since the 
adoption of its Constitution, on one side, of men who wished to 
make it stronger, and on the other, of men who preferred to 
keep it harmless. For the first twelve years the popularity of 
Washington gave a supremacy to the Federalists, who wished 
to consolidate the nation, retain property qualifications, keep 
up a protective tariff and fill the offices with men of high social 
standing. They called themselves "the gentlemen's party", 
and they had more right to this title than to that of "Federal- 
ist". "What they really wanted was not a federation or a con- 
federacy, but a nation. 

Prominent among their leaders was the vice-president 
during Washington's two terms, and president for the rest of 
the century, John Adams. He had been one of the foremost 
champions of independence; the treaty which closed the war 
had been negotiated by him, and his casting vote in the Senate 
prevented a renewal of hostilities with Great Britain. He was 
so horrified at the lawlessness and irreligion of the French Kev- 
olution as to say, "I know not what to make of a republic of 
thirty million Atheists"; and at his inauguration, in 1796, he 
avowed "a fixed resolution to consider a decent respect for 
Christianity among the best recommendations for the public 
service." 

Two years later the Federalists were so frightened by dan- 
ger of war with France as to pass laws which would have 
strengthened the Government at the expense of individual lib- 
erty. The Alien Act would have enabled Adams to banish any 
foreigners whom he "should judge dangerous", if it had not 



THE REVOLUTIONS OF 1688 AND 1776. 13 

proved to be unconstitutional He never enforced it, but he 
was urged by his Secretary of State to use it against Priestly, 
who had recently been expelled for love of liberty from Eng- 
land, where he had made chemistry a science. Kosciusko left 
America in disgust. 

Adams did enforce the Sedition Act, under which even 
American citizens by birth were fined and imprisoned for writ- 
ing against him in the newspapers. Among his victims was a 
member of Congress; another of the incarcerated afterwards 
became a district judge in Pennsylvania and President of the 
South Carolina College; and a third was kept in jail until 
Adams went out of office. In these trials the judges did not 
permit the constitutionality of the new laws to be called in 
question. There was danger that the Constitution would be 
nullified by the Federalists. 

Great was the indignation in the party which then called 
itself Democratic Republican, and which has always labored to 
keep the Government within the Constitution. Prominent 
among its original objects were the defense of individual rights, 
and the abolition of political distinctions between rich and poor 
citizens. Its leader, Jefferson, had risen to the vice-presi- 
dency in the confusion caused by an underhand attack of 
Hamilton on Adams in 1796. That hatred of despotism, which 
had inspired the Declaration of Independence and the ''Act 
for establishing Religious Freedom in Virginia", now made 
Jefferson draft resolutions in which Kentucky and Virginia 
declared the Union to be only a compact between States, each 
of which has a right to see whether the terms are kept. Thus 
the position of champions of State rights was assumed by the 
men who wished to keep the Government strictly constitu- 
tional. 

X. They prevented the reeleetion of Adams in 1800, 
when his party had broken up into hostile factions. Hamilton 



14 THE REVOLUTIONS OF 1688 AND 1776. 

and many other Federalists wished for war with France. There 
was plenty of provocalion, but Adams saw that it was wiser to 
reopen friendly relations and did so without consulting his 
Cabinet. He lost his place as president, but he always called 
this the best action of his life, and he desired that no other 
should be recorded above his grave. His chief strength was in 
New England, where manufacturers wished for a protective 
tariff, and clergymen charged his opponent with infidelity. 
Jefferson had dared to befriend Thomas Paine and to say in 
the "Notes on the State of Virginia", a book which had wide 
circulation, that 'Difference of opinion is advantageous in re- 
ligion"; and that "The legitimate powers of government ex- 
tend to 8uc*i acts only as are injurious to others; but it does me 
no injury for my neighbor to say there are twenty gods or no 
God." He also declared that he should oppose the establish- 
ment of any national church, for he had "sworn on the altar of 
God eternal hostility against every form of tyranny over the 
mind of man." 

His open hatred of slavery did not deprive him of a single 
electoral vote in Virginia, Kentucky, Tennessee, South Caro- 
lina or Georgia. He also carried New York, but New Jersey 
and Delaware remained, like New England, Federalist, and 
Pennsylvania, Maryland and North Carolina were divided. 
The election of 1800 was the triumph of the principles of the 
Declaration of Independence, the Act establishing Religious 
Freedom, and the Constitution of the United States, over such 
practices as disfranchising ci.izens for not owning real estate, 
taxing them for the support of churches, and imprisoning them 
for blasphemy against John Adams. 

The Federalists in Congress tried to give the presidency to 
Aaron Burr, who professed opinions resembling Jefferson's, 
but had no principles whatever. There was talk of resistance 
by force, but nothing worse was done than to create some new 



THE REVOLTJTIOHS OF 1688 AND 1776. 15 

courts, in time to have the salaries assigned to members of 
"the gentlemen's party". Such commissions were made out 
very rapidly on the evening of March 3, 1801; and it is said 
that there was no cessation until the new attorney-gsneral en- 
tered, watch in hand, and announced: "I take possession here, 
for it is twelve o'clock by Mr. Jefferson's watch." 



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